Lamenting the passing of the Last King of Scotland

Alex Salmond was a compelling, charismatic figure who took the Scots to the brink of nationhood

John Ivison

There was more than a hint of Shakespearean tragedy to the final years of Alex Salmond, the former nationalist First Minister of Scotland, who died earlier this month.

The last 10 years of his life were a grave disappointment to everyone, presumably including him. He stepped down as First Minister in the wake of the independence referendum loss in 2014 and bounced around in a number of failed ventures, as well as spending an inordinate amount of time in court fighting serious sexual assault charges.

But, for a glorious seven year period, he was the King of Scotland, leading the government in the Holyrood Parliament in Edinburgh and almost tempting Scots to reclaim their lost independence.

After the No side won the referendum, Salmond returned to Westminster as MP for Gordon in 2015 (he had previously served there between 1987 and 1999 and then again 2001 to 2007) but lost his seat in 2017. He made the questionable decision of hosting a political show for RT (Russia Today) and he launched a new nationalist party, Alba, that lost every seat that it contested. 

Much of that time was spent fighting legal battles to clear his name after being charged with 14 offences including attempted rape and sexual assault. He was cleared on all charges, with one case being resolved by the curious Scots law verdict of “not proven” (which Sir Walter Scott once called “the bastard verdict”, since it leaves the impression the jury believes the defendant guilty but the Crown has not provided sufficient evidence).

Salmond claimed it was a political plot by his former comrades in the Scottish National Party to remove him from public life but in his trial his lawyer admitted he had not always behaved appropriately and it remained a stain on his reputation. 

But I would prefer to remember him when he was at the peak of his powers. 

I took the picture featured above a week before the referendum vote in September 2014, outside St. Giles Cathedral on Edinburgh’s Royal Mile, with Salmond holding the blue One Opportunity banner, surrounded by Yes (to independence) supporters from non-Scots who were eligible to vote through a residency exemption.
This was the genius of Salmond. As Tony Blair’s former communications director, Alistair Campbell, pointed out this week on the superb The Rest is Politics podcast, Salmond ran rings around then British prime minister, David Cameron, when it came to negotiating the terms of the referendum. 

Not only did he ensure that the pro-Independence side was campaigning for a Yes vote (as opposed to the negative connotations of a No vote), he also managed to win the right to vote for non-Scots residents, like those picture above, and lowered the voting age to 16. Both these groups voted Yes in large numbers. 

Campbell said he later asked Salmond why Cameron had not insisted on seeking the vote for people like his (Campbell’s) parents - Scots living in England. Salmond told him that Cameron never raised the issue, such was his complacency that the bid for independence would fail. 

It did ultimately, with the No side securing 55 percent of the 85 percent of Scots who voted, and the Yes side just 45 percent. 

But on that early September morning on the Royal Mile there were very real fears, not least in Westminster, that the Yes side was on course to win. The Sunday Times had just published a poll that showed Yes in the lead for the first time. When Salmond and Cameron signed the Edinburgh Agreement on the rules of the referendum in 2012, the No side had been 20 points ahead. 

“The Westminster elite are in a state of absolute panic,” said Salmond, relishing the prospect. 

“10 Days to Save the Union”, screamed the unionist tabloid headlines.

I asked Salmond about Stephen Harper’s intervention in the debate, after Harper had said the concept of Scotland and England separating was “inconceivable”. 

Salmond said the Canadian prime minister’s statement was a “sign of desperation”. 

“The Foreign Office has asked everyone and their auntie to come and back the Union. It’s a sign that their campaign is in disarray,” he said. 

The No campaign - Better Together - had run a small, bitter campaign that focused on the lack of the Yes side’s plan for European Union membership, a separate currency and for balancing the budget. 

By contrast, the Yes side was a giddy carnival. Salmond appealed to the spirit of Bannockburn, the famous victory over the English in 1314 that protected the Scottish nation’s independence until it was voluntarily relinquished by the Act of Union in 1707. Unlike other narrow, ugly sovereignty movements - I’m thinking explicitly about Quebec here - Salmond was happy to say that internationalism was the driver of Scotland’s nationalism. 

However - ultimately - as with most referendums that portent a leap into the unknown, voters rejected the risk implied by independence and wrapped themselves in what one historian called “the blanket of Britishness”. 

The next morning, Edinburgh felt like it had a hangover. But Salmond roused himself to come out, recognize the result and encourage all his followers to do so too, like the great democrat he was. 

Since then support for independence has waxed and waned, topping 50 percent after the U.K. left the European Union in January 2020 (recall that one of the reasons Scots voted to stay in the union was to remain part of the EU). 

I agree with Campbell that post-Brexit was the high water mark for independence in Scotland, when even mild nationalists were fed up with the union. If it didn’t happen then it is unlikely to happen now or in the future, he said. I think that’s right.

Salmond once said the dream will never die but there are substantial roadblocks to its realization. 

One is that the Supreme Court ruled in 2022 that the Scottish Parliament requires the assent of the U.K. government to hold another referendum, and there are no signs that will ever be forthcoming. 

But the main reason is that the nationalists have failed to produce a leader as compelling and charismatic as Wee Eck.